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1151 | 925 | Minority Place-names in Public Spaces of Slovakia | Vladimír Ira

The present ethnic structure of the population in Slovakia is the result of the long-term development determined by the complex geographical and historical conditions as well as mutual relations within the Central Europe and whole European continent. The ethnic structure of population in Slovakia was subject of remarkable changes at the turn of the 19th and 20th century, during World War II and in the post-war period. There are currently 13 officially recognized national minorities in the Slovak Republic – Hungarian, Roma, Czech, Moravian, Ruthenian, Polish, Ukrainian, Bulgarian, Serbian, German, Jewish, Croatian and Russian. Standardization of geographical names is defined as a set of measures that ensure a uniformity of geographical names and their binding use. Systematic standardization of geographical names in the Slovak Republic began with the establishment of a special commission in 1970. The creation of a separate database of geographical names from the Slovak territory was completed in 2003. Since then, the database is updated continuously. The contribution aims to highlight basic characteristics of regulations related to minority place names in public space and on maps based on the research conducted in Slovakia._x000D_
This study was supported by VEGA agency project No 2/0024/21.

Vladimír Ira
Institute of Geography of the Slovak Academy of Sciences, Bratislava, Slovakia

 
ID Abstract: 925

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1151 | 976 | Place names standardization in Catalonia (1921-2009). Considerations on the historical and current relevance of this process in the double context of Spain and Europe | Joan Tort Donada


Place-names standardization in Catalonia, process developed to a great extent over the last hundred years, has had a particular significance on two scales or levels: on the one hand, it has meant a first-order reference for the place-names standardization in the whole of Spain; on the other hand, it represents in itself (due to the particularities of its origin, its progressive development and its implementation as a public policy during the last four decades) a fundamental milestone in the general evolution of onomastic science in Catalonia – as a practical expression, in the field of proper names, of the process of standardization and social normalization of the Catalan language; process that, in a continuous way, although with some parentheses or with shorter or longer interruptions, has been taking place, in practice, since the beginning of the 20th century. In the described context, the communication that we propose will try to account for the most significant phases or moments, or the most scientifically relevant achievements, of the exposed process

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. Among other considerations, attention will be paid on the systematic collection of Catalan place-names undertaken in 1921, with the creation of the Oficina de Toponímia i Onomàstica; in the tasks of progressive standardization of the toponymy of the official cartography related to Catalonia, starting in the 1970s, and in the standardization process carried out by the Comissió de Toponímia de Catalunya starting in 2001 – and with a significant date/landmark: the launch, in 2009, of the Nomenclàtor oficial de toponímia major de Cataluña (NOTMC) – that includes, in its second edition, a total of 52,701 place names.

Joan Tort Donada
Universitat de Barcelona

 
ID Abstract: 976

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1151 | 706 | Standardization and recognition in law of Sámi and Kven place names in Norway | Kaisa Rautio Helander

The Norwegian Place Name Act (Lov om stadnamn) was passed by the National Assembly (Stortinget) for the first time on 18 May 1990 and came into force on 1 July 1991. The other Nordic countries have no similar Place Name Act to that of Norway. In the Act, minority language place names used in Sámi and Kven languages are protected along with place names used in the majority language Norwegian._x000D_
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The Norwegian Place Name Act primarly regulates the spelling of place names in official use, which means that the main purpose of the Act is to standardize the written forms of these place names. In addition to this, the Act regulates also the official use of majority and minority place names._x000D_
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Sámi and Kven place names are gradually gaining greater recognition in official use. Even though the legal basis for official use of minority names is secured through the Place Name Act, the Norwegian model of official recognition still creates a number of difficulties._x000D_
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Although laws and signposting recommendations provide a clear framework for the execution of legislation, the current situation in Norway shows that authorities in all levels of the society still exercise the power in order to maintain a long heritage of toponymic silencing. There are also regional differences regarding recognition of minority place names, and in many areas, official use of minority toponymy is still sporadic._x000D_
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In my paper, I will discuss the challenges connected to the officializing the minority toponymy in Norway. The history of toponymic policy aiming at Norwegianizing the minority place names will also be discussed as a background for the current situation. _x000D_

Kaisa Rautio Helander
Sámi allaskuvla | Sámi University of Applied Sciences

 
ID Abstract: 706

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1151 | 141 | In the country of surrealism and language conflicts, there are officially no minorities ! | Christian Vandermotten

The Belgian federal State, with its very complex structure, juxtaposing Regions (with a territorial basis) and Communities (with a linguistic basis), is built on linguistic cleavages and these influence the country’s political life on a daily basis. And yet, since 1947, there has been no official information on the use of languages in the country! Under pressure from Flanders, Belgium has not joined the Council of Europe Convention on the Protection of Minorities. Even the small German-speaking minority in the east of the country is not considered a minority, as it has full Community status, on the same level as the Flemish Community and the French Community Wallonia-Brussels. This complexity is explained by Belgium’s political history since 1830: the country was dominated by French-speaking elites throughout the 19th and early 20th centuries. The Flemish movement fostered a community feeling based on the right of the soil, while the French-speakers preferred the right of persons, which led to a progressive nibbling of Flemish soil, especially around Brussels, according to the Flemish. The complexity of the Belgian situation is reflected in the rules of use of languages in the signage

Christian Vandermotten
Université Libre de Bruxelles, Académie royale des Sciences, des Lettres et des Beaux-Arts de Belgique

 
ID Abstract: 141

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1151 | 293 | Reassembling the Seventeenth-century Swedish Place-name Policies | Alexandra Petrulevich

In this talk, I will elucidate the Swedish large-scale cadastral mapping of the seventeenth century as the first ever attempt at conscious place-name policymaking in the Swedish context—especially in multilingual areas. To the best of my knowledge, this perspective has been absent in the existing literature on Swedish large-scale cadastral mapping or place-name policies. The principal research question is: How was place-name policymaking with respect to non-Scandinavian place-names performed across the multilingual Empire? The analysis builds upon examination of a selection of cadastral maps and land-surveyors’ textual descriptions, the body of the Crown’s instructions as well as excerpted place-names. Practical implementation of Kammarkollegiet’s and Lantmäteriet’s regulations vary across the Swedish conglomerate state. For this reason, cadastral maps and descriptions from three language contact areas are investigated: Västerbotten in Sweden (Sámi, Finnish and Swedish), Turku and Pori in Finland (Finnish and Swedish) and Mecklenburg-Vorpommern in Germany (West Slavic, Low German and Swedish). Actor-network theory is chosen as the best suitable framework for the analysis because it combines a highly empirical approach to primary sources and a set of abstract tools assisting in teasing out arrangements of constituents and their relations when place-names are collected and processed. Additionally, I weave in threads of philological and linguistic investigations of the material into the bulk of the study’s analytical cloth in order to elucidate temporal and linguistic complexities of examined material._x000D_
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Acknowledgements_x000D_
This work was supported by the Swedish Foundation for Humanities and Social Sciences Riksbankens Jubileumsfond under Grant P20-0105.

Alexandra Petrulevich
Uppsala University, Sweden

 
ID Abstract: 293

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1151 | 344 | Minority place-name standardization in Slovenia | Matjaž Geršič, Drago Perko

This research presents the use of geographical names in the ethnically mixed Slovenian–Italian bilingual area in Slovenian Istria in southwest Slovenia and the Slovenian–Hungarian bilingual area in Prekmurje in northeast Slovenia. The emphasis is on efforts to standardize geographical names in both officially recognized minority languages as encouraged by the new decree on writing geographical names in bilingual areas, according to which, in addition to the already standardized names of settlements, municipalities, and some major geographical features, only standardized Italian or Hungarian geographical names may be written next to the Slovenian names.

Matjaž Geršič, Drago Perko
ZRC SAZU, Anton Melik Geographical Institute

 
ID Abstract: 344

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1151 | 543 | Minority place-name standardization. A comparison of regulations and approaches in Europe. Russian Federation, European part | Andrey Herzen, Yuliana Gordova & Olga Herzen


The research project on minority place-name standardization analyses the situation in the European part of the Russian Federation. First, it focuses on the ethnolinguistic composition of Russia, listing the nationalities inhabiting certain territories of its European part and the languages they speak, including their standard and self-names. Then it outlines the ethnolinguistic policy, which is aimed at preserving and developing the linguistic heritage, national diversity and cultural potential of peoples, and at strengthening inter-ethnic relations. The research also provides the overview of the legal regulation of geographical names, stating the law that establishes the legal framework of activity in the field of naming and renaming geographical objects, as well as the normalization, usage, registration, recording and preservation of the names of geographical objects as part of the historical and cultural heritage of the peoples of Russian Federation

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. Another important part of the article surveys the toponymy of the constituent republics of the Russian Federation, which usually includes both Russian and national names.

Andrey Herzen, Yuliana Gordova & Olga Herzen
Institute of Geography, Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow, Russia; Institute of Linguistics, Russian Academy of Sciences

 
ID Abstract: 543

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1151 | 618 | The Effects of the Lack of Standardisation of Hungarian Toponyms in Slavonia | János Jeney

Slavonia as a whole has a very small number of Hungarian inhabitants. Even within Croatia only a very small percentage of the Hungarians live in Slavonia. Only two municipalities have a significant Hungarian minority. Despite this the use of Hungarian toponyms in these municipalities is widespread and is used in almost all areas of geographical names. The only exception is the name of the railway station. These two municipalities are Kórogy/Korođ and Szentlászló/Laszlovo. Both villages have the village name signposted in the two languages. Furthermore not only bilingual toponyms are used, but also many other Hungarian language signs are seen in public areas. All public buildings, streets, schools and kindergartens have both Hungarian and Croatian names. These names are all signposted on bilingual signs. Hungarian toponyms are used to an even greater extent than in southern Baranya, which has a much larger number of Hungarian inhabitants, and was part of the Kingdom of Hungary before the Treaty of Trianon. All toponyms in the Kingdom of Hungary were standardised by an Act in 1889 to ensure each settlement has a unique name. However the Act did not apply to Slavonia since it was part of the Kingdom of Croatia, not the Kingdom of Hungary, both of which were countries of the Holy Hungarian Crown. Szentlászló in Slavonia thus kept its name colliding with Szentlászló in Baranya which, as per the Act, was the only settlement in the Kingdom of Hungary to bear the name. In 1991 during the ”Croatian war of Independence” as it is called in Croatia, Hungarian media did extensive reporting from Szentlászló in Croatia creating a situation where the name Szentlászló became associated with the town in Slavonia rather than the one in Baranya, which officially bears the name, leading to confusion and pushing Szentlászló in Baranya into obscurity.

János Jeney
Institute of Hungarian Research

 
ID Abstract: 618

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1151 | 9 | geographic names of ethno-linguistic minority origin in bulgaria: regulation and approaches | Bilyana Borisova1, Ivaylo Stamenkov1, Boian Koulov2

This chapter aims to describe the transformation of toponyms of ethno-linguistic minority origin in Bulgaria since its Liberation in 1878. It characterizes the peculiarities of geographic names’ standardization in the different historical periods, identifies and analyzes the relevant institutions, legal regulations, and implemented public policy approaches, used in the process. The study concludes that Bulgarian society attaches great importance to naming and re-naming of settlements, in particular, but of the other geographic objects as well. Therefore, the place name standardization responsibilities and regulation are generally split between the highest, non-political institution that represents the whole nation – the Presidency – and the lowest administrative territorial level – the Municipal Councils – which is closest to the citizens and, according to the Constitution, embody local self-government. Toponymy standardization of ethno-linguistic minority origin is not separated from the ongoing regular transformation of geographic names in the country. The overall number of toponym changes decreases after the political transformation of the late 1980s, which is even more typical for place names of minority origin.

Bilyana Borisova1, Ivaylo Stamenkov1, Boian Koulov2
1. Sofia University “St. Kliment Ohridski”; 2. Climate, Atmosphere and Waters Institute at the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences

 
ID Abstract: 9

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1151 | 12 | Minority place-name standardization. A comparison of regulations and approaches in Europe | Peter Jordan

The paper presents a research project under the auspices of the Joint ICA/IGU Commission on Toponymy and the IGU Commission on the Geography of Governance. It is to result in a handbook to be published in 2024 comprising three volumes that attempts to compare regulations on minority place names in the countries of Europe with autochthonous linguistic minorities on the background of ethnic and linguistic structures, historical and political developments, the political landscape, governance structures, and external relations. Is minority place-name standardization part of the general standardization process or are there specific regulations? Is it a bottom-up or a top-down process and which administrative levels are involved? The project is also going to explain, to which extent these regulations satisfy linguistic minorities and help to facilitate the relations between majority and minority. _x000D_
This paper will introduce into the intentions, structure and goals of this project and thus also into the contents and the other papers of this session, which will the refer to the situation in individual countries. _x000D_
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Peter Jordan
(1) Austrian Academy of Sciences, Institute of Urban and Regional Research; (2) University of the Free State (South Africa), Faculty of Humanities

 
ID Abstract: 12

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